But What If Their Side is Actually Wrong?
Six arguments for intelligent bothsidesism - BCB 141
I spend a lot of time talking about workable definitions of political neutrality for media (and also AI.) I usually say something like: you have to treat all sides with respect, no matter who is right or wrong. This means presenting the views of all sides, in a way that someone on that side would consider fair.
People often object to this by saying, ok, but what if one side is actually wrong? Or even evil?
This essay is an argument in favor of intelligent bothsidesism. The potential failure of false balance or bothsidesism is that it encourages equal credence no matter the quality of the arguments. One careful explanation is that bothsidesism means “taking the fact of controversy on an issue to be evidence about the available evidence.”
But I’m aiming for something else. I’m not talking about the virtue of particular arguments so much as how arguments are given and who gets to give them. Ensuring charitable media representation can greatly help with serious problems of politics, conflict, and fairness.
This was the idea behind the famous FCC Fairness Doctrine which required broadcasters to give equal time to political parties, and also the instinct that drives journalists to get quotes from people who disagree on an issue. But both of these techniques are clumsy, imprecise, not up to the task of 21st century politics. In a future essay I’ll explain how I think the pluralist media toolbox should be sharpened. For now, I’ll just give the why — why repeat terrible ideas at all? Here are six reasons why media sources should include excellent arguments for wrong and bad ideas:
1) Diplomacy
A conflict can’t improve without places of meeting between antagonistic parties. Not every media source needs to be neutral territory, but at least some do.
What this really means is that both sides have to keep showing up! This requires representing their views charitably even when disagreeing with them – especially then.
The point is not to represent arguments but people. This means that if enough people believe an idea you have to present it somehow. The corollary is that if too few people hold a view it may do more harm than good to try to include it. But every minority that is included meets on equal terms.
2) Avoiding Stereotyping
One of the tragedies of conflict is that we misperceive and stereotype the other, distorting their actual beliefs. We imagine that our opponents are more extreme than they actually are, and that fringe beliefs are much more common.
For example, take the claim that “conservatives don’t believe in climate change.” This has long been a Red trope, with Trump calling climate change a “hoax.” What Republicans actually believe is more complicated. For a start, it varies by age. As of mid-2024, 79% of Republicans aged 18-29 believe climate change is real and caused at least partly by human activities. The major polarized differences are about what should be done about it: Republicans are much more worried about fewer jobs and higher prices as a result of climate change mitigation.
Similar arguments apply to Blue slogans like “defund the police” or “America is a racist country,” which Red tends to mis-attribute and misunderstand. Going through the process of intelligently articulating a group position forces one to stop making assumptions about what the normal (not extreme) members of that group actually believe.
3) A fairness starting point
If you didn’t know what side of an argument you would eventually end up on, how would you design a media system? Probably you’d want both sides to be treated the same. This is a classic veil-of-ignorance style argument.
While it is true that fairness often requires more than symmetry (for example, in the presence of large power differentials), all definitions of fairness start with some sort of “appropriate impartiality.” Consider equal presentation to be a fair starting point – a statistical prior, if you like.
4) Developing the best argument
Good arguments come from good criticism. “He who knows only his own side of the case knows little of that,” as John Stuart Mill said. This has become a platitude, but that doesn’t mean it isn’t true. Replying to people who disagree with you is a great way to develop the strongest version of your own argument.
Similarly, beating up on an opponent is most useful if you’re attacking the strongest version of their view. It forces your criticism to be stronger. Even better, if the evidence just doesn’t support their view, it’s more powerful to say that this problem persists in the best possible version of their position.
Of course, you might always be wrong. Intellectual humility is so important to good conflict that it’s taught as a depolarization technique.
5) Calling them evil is bad for you
To begin with, it’s bad for you spiritually. Every religion has both a promise and a commandment of redemption, from Buddhism’s compassion for all beings to Christianity’s turning the other cheek. As Quinn Norton put it in her discussion of Ahimsa, the ancient doctrine of non-harm, “the internet only gets better if we get better.” Call it a de-escalation move.
I’m serious, but maybe you’re skeptical. Some of you are now scoffing at my naivety, or my moral relativity. There’s a much more practical argument, which is that thinking of a group as evil prevents certain ways of seeing. You will miss not only opportunities for redemption but opportunities for victory. One of my favorite passages on politics comes from an essay on agonistic democracy by Chantal Mouffe:
When the opponent is not defined in political but in moral terms, he cannot be envisaged as an adversary but only as an enemy. With the "evil them" no agonistic debate is possible, they must be eradicated. They are usually conceived as the expression of a moral plague; there is therefore no need to try to understand the reasons for their existence and success. This is why moral condemnation often replaces a proper political analysis and the strategy is limited to the building of a “cordon sanitaire” to quarantine the affected sectors.
That “quarantine” often takes the form of trying to suppress evil ideas. I’m not saying that suppressing speech is never necessary, just that it’s almost always a trap. Better to grapple with the reasons people so badly want to speak.
6) Illuminating disagreement
In our most terrible debates—on vaccines, gun control, abortion, authoritarianism or free speech—we often argue past each other, defending conclusions without examining the assumptions underneath. We cannot identify ways forward without clarifying what we are actually fighting about.
There are tools and language for this. A crux is a key idea or belief that, if it was proven wrong, would make someone change their mind. It’s the core fact or value underpinning the higher level position. A double crux is a crux for both sides in an argument – the core of a disagreement. By focusing on finding shared cruxes, discussions can become less about winning and more about understanding. Maybe there is a fact you can both go study to see if the evidence holds up. Or maybe there is a values disagreement that cannot be resolved by any evidence. At least you’ll know where you disagree.
But this – and all the other good things above – can only happen when nuanced views are put in close contact with each other. There is no reason to be nihilistic about the truth: people actually are persuaded by good reasons (even conspiracy theorists). Representing the other side’s view, no matter how foolish or reprehensible, opens up many pathways for increased trust, more accurate perception, superior evidence, clear political strategy, and better conflict.
Quote of the Week
sorry guys, the closest friend i've ever had (barring romantic relationships) doesnt want to be friends anymore bc she thinks i support a literal dictator bc i didnt want to argue w her about politics
I was going to send this to you via DM, Jonathan, then just figured I'd share it here. It's a small snippet from my Defusing American Anger book on the same topic, towards the end in a 'News and social media' chapter. (Book was only ever in ebook so it isn't as polished as it could be.)
EXCERPT:
One criticism of modern news media is that it suffers from a “bias towards fairness,” which is referring to the tendency of news outlets to cover politics as a sports event, with two equivalent teams competing, even when one side may not deserve that equal treatment. This is explained well in a scene from Aaron Sorkin’s TV show The Newsroom:
TV PRODUCER: The media’s biased towards success and the media’s biased towards fairness.
TV NEWS WORKER: How can you be biased towards fairness?
TV PRODUCER: There aren’t two sides to every story. Some stories have five sides, some only have one. [...]
TV NEWS ANCHOR: Bias towards fairness means that if the entire congressional Republican caucus were to walk into the House and propose a resolution stating that the Earth was flat, the Times would lead with ‘Democrats and Republicans can’t agree on shape of Earth.’
Here we can get a sense of the frustration and anger that can drive journalists and news creators in both political groups. When we’re polarized, the views of the other side on some issues can be perceived as entirely without merit. And this awareness of the “bias towards fairness” means that some journalists will avoid covering the other side’s beliefs, or will cover the other side’s beliefs with thinly veiled derision. This can lead to practices that can be criticized as bad, biased journalism. And smart and well meaning journalists can end up doing those things because they firmly believe they’re on the right side of the debate. They can see the noble path as avoiding falling victim to the “bias towards fairness” and see their responsibility as reporting the truth, as they see it.
But there we can see the problem. When we’re polarized, our version of the truth will be very different from other people’s. People can genuinely believe many things we see as wrong and without merit. And sometimes they’ll have valid points that we aren’t able to see. And, even if we are actually entirely correct on whatever topic, people’s beliefs are real things: there are reasons for their beliefs, and their beliefs have immense power in shaping the world. In many ways, beliefs are much more important than facts. Our beliefs will always influence us; whereas facts and truth may have minimal or no impact on us.
Journalists should see it as important to take people’s beliefs seriously. They should do that if only because, when they don’t take people’s beliefs seriously, that can counterintuitively serve to strengthen people’s us-versus-them emotions and actually make them more likely to believe the things we think are absurd. Our disrespect towards some commonly held beliefs, and our instinct to ignore them and not engage with them, may be precisely what makes people more committed to those beliefs over time.
END EXCERPT
I covered part of this in a post https://danielechlin.substack.com/publish/posts/detail/160739182 one point is that a lot of the problem goes away by moving the frame from "misinformation" to "disagreement." Misinformation might be there but it's relegated to a supporting character role. Other contributions to disagreement are sometimes significantly more important than misinformation, like "I don't trust the government" is a valid attitude and one that might govern a mask or vaccine decision more than any one item of fake news.